The battle for NYSE becomes political

NASDAQ, which houses like corporate America Google greater technology, and the ice, the owner trade term for products $42.5 per share for the NYSE last Friday.

The comment by Michel Barnier, Commissioner of the European Union for markets, between days after Nasdaq OMX and InterContinental Exchange (ICE) joined forces to win on a bid for NYSE Euronext, owner of older Scholarship America, existing of Deutsche Boerse the Germany.

"We want financial centres of Europe to be strong, with a global dimension and to play their role," said Mr Barnier, a former French Minister of Foreign Affairs.

NASDAQ, which houses like corporate America Google greater technology, and the ice, the owner trade term for products $42.5 per share for the NYSE last Friday. Deutsche Boerse had offered $ 35 per share in February. NYSE said that considering the submission of the Nasdaq and the ice, Deutsche Boerse knows wait to see this response before deciding to raise its offer.

The agreement is later in a swirl of bids and counter-bids in the industry of the Exchange as a mixture of financial pressures and globalization requires the industry to consolidate.

Bob Greifeld, leader since a long time the Nasdaq, said last week that the Nasdaq bid will bring more benefits to the American economy and also save state of New York as a financial centre.

Submission of Deutsche Boerse caused little political protest to the United States when it has, but analysts have suggested that the emergence of a rival offer domestic can change that.

Shares of NYSE Euronext closed 0 62pc to $38.98.

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EMU policies are pushing Southern Europe into systemic political crisis

This is what happened to Britain during the ERM crisis of 1992, the trial run for the monetary union.

German reunification was an "asymmetric shock", setting off a boom that compelled the Bundesbank to tighten the screw again and again, and forcing the Bank of England to follow suit at a time when the UK housing bust was already underway.

Spain is about to relive the experience, for Germany is going through another such shock. This one is caused by surging exports to the BRICs -- machinery, luxury cars, aircraft, medical kit, and chemicals. German exports to China rose 40pc last year, and 42pc to Russia.

Oddly, perhaps, I am not seriously worried about Ireland. It has a dynamic manufacturing and export service base, and can hope to export its way back to health. The fact that Ireland has required an EU-IMF rescue should not be misread as evidence that it is in worse shape than several others. Banking busts are desperate but not serious, as the saying goes.

The less open economies of Greece, Spain, and Portugal will find it more of a struggle to recover. The IMF says Portugal’s current account deficit will still be 9.2pc of GDP this year (and 8.4pc in 2015, if it is possible to defy gravity for so long), Greece will be 7.7pc, and Spain 4.8pc.

That these deficits should be so high two or three years into a slump shows how hard it will be to turn this crisis around. Meanwhile, The Netherlands will have a surplus of 6.8pc, and Germany 5.8pc.

The structural misalignment is grotesque, like the perma-divide between Italy’s North and South but without the vast annual subsidies that stops it blowing up.

A full 140 years after the Two Sicilies were gobbled up into Cavour’s lira zone, convergence has not occurred. The Bourbons might have done better.

Already reeling, the indebted European periphery must now brace for a fresh shock as the European Central Bank tightens monetary policy to stop Germany from over-heating.

One-year Euribor rates used to price Spanish mortgages have been creeping up for months, and jumped to 1.54pc after Jean-Claude Trichet turned seriously hawkish on inflation last week. It may go much higher very fast if the ECB starts to raise rates by the middle of this year.

This will not help clear a four-year backlog of unsold homes in Spain, which is no doubt why Madrid is pushing for a capital injection of up to €80bn into the smaller banks and cajas – by partial nationalization if necessary.

The central bank said in November that the banks have €181bn (£153bn) of "potentially problematic" loans to the real estate sector, or 17pc of GDP.

Mr Trichet’s fire-breathing rhetoric can be taken as a signal that the ECB will continue to run monetary policy for German needs and tastes, refusing to accommodate a little slippage on inflation to let Club Med regain lost competitiveness without having to endure the agony of debt-deflation. Indeed, the ECB seems to have picked up some of the worst habits of its mentor.

Mr Trichet is no doubt in an impossible position because the German people gave up the D-Mark under an implicit and sacred contract that EMU should never lead to inflation in their country. Should it ever do so, acquiescence in the whole project comes into question.

Yet Mr Trichet's comments on Thursday were astonishing. He cited the ECB’s rate rise in July 2008 with approval – and as a warning -- as if this monetary Charge of the Light Brigade had been vindicated by events. Most economists viewed that decision as best forgotten.

We now know that large parts of the eurozone were already in recession by then, that the commodity spike was burning itself out, that ECB rhetoric had set off a destructive dollar rout and pushed the euro to ruinous highs of $1.60, and that the foundations of the credit system were already crumbling.

A paper by the Richmond Fed suggests that ECB’s action was a key trigger of the global crisis.

The ECB is now itching to tighten again, this time because of a temporary jump in headline inflation to 2.2pc, caused by rising oil and food prices. No matter that M3 supply growth in the eurozone is anaemic at 1.9pc.

Real M1 deposits have contracted at a rate of 2.8pc over the last six months in the quintet of Italy, Spain, Greece, Ireland and Portugal.

"This is comparable with the decline in early 2008 just ahead of the plunge into recession," said Simon Ward from Henderson Global Investors.

The ECB has passed the eurozone debt parcel back to EMU governments, deeming it the proper responsibility of fiscal authorities to sort out the mess.

So be it. Since the only government that seems to matter in our new German Europe is in Berlin, the parcel has in reality been handed to Chancellor Angela Merkel.

She has two viable options. She can choose to save monetary union, first by doubling the size of the EU bail-out fund and halve the interest rate charged so that the debt-stricken states can recover; and then by acquiescing in fiscal federalism and a pooling of debts -- what McKinsey’s chief in Germany calls a "spiral into a Transferunion" – entailing a regime of subsidies for years to come.

That is to say, Germany must be prepared to do for Southern European what it has already done for its own kin in East Germany, but on six times the scale.

Or she can pull the plug, by quietly signalling to the Verfassungsgericht that Berlin would not be too angry if the eight judges declared the EU’s rescue machinery to be unconstitutional, ending EMU as we know it.

What is clear is that status quo is ruinous. The slow suffocation of nations still under Fascist rule just one generation ago cannot end well for liberal democracy in Europe.

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Eurozone debt crisis spreads to Belgium on rising political risk

The country has been limping along with caretaker ministers since Flemish separatists emerged as the biggest party in June. Talks have broken down over the scale of subsidies to the poorer French-speaking areas, making Belgium a microcosm of EMU's North-South divide.

It is unclear whether the political system can muster the discipline of the early 1990s when Belgium came back from the brink of a debt compound spiral with an impressive fiscal squeeze.

"We believe Belgium's prolonged domestic political uncertainty poses risks," said S&P. "Belgium's current caretaker government may be ill-equipped to respond to shocks to public finances. If Belgium fails to form a government soon, a downgrade could occur, potentially within six months."

Spain also faced fresh debt woes at an auction on Tuesday. The yield on €2bn (£1.7bn) of one-year bills jumped to 3.4pc, up 100 basis points in a month. "It was pretty dire," said David Owen from Jefferies Fixed Income.

Mr Owen said the surge in yields on US Treasuries is causing the cost of capital to jump across the global system, including Spain. "This is raising the bar for everybody," he said.

While Spain can still borrow at a manageable cost, it is storing up rollover risk by issuing debt at short maturities. The IMF said Spain must refinance €220bn this year. Moody's this week raised its estimate of Spanish bank losses to €176bn, up from €108bn a year ago.

Jean-Claude Trichet, head of the European Central Bank (ECB), said a "quasi-fiscal union" may now be required to stabilise the eurozone's debt markets, adding the EU's €440bn rescue fund should be deployed with "maximum flexibility", and beefed up in "quantity and quality".

Mr Trichet hopes to prod political leaders into authorising use of the fund for pre-emptive purchases of bonds, perhaps from Spain, relieving the ECB of its lonely burden. The ECB has been stuck with the task of propping up the banks and debt markets of peripheral Europe, conducting a fiscal rescue without a legal mandate and on slender resources.

Officials are mulling plans to raise the ECB's capital to cope growing liabilities, which means asking member states to provide fresh money. Its capital base is just €5.8bn, compared with the US Federal Reserve's $57bn (£36bn).

Toby Nangle, from Baring Asset Management, said the ECB may already be insolvent under strict accounting rules. "Could the international financial system cope with a bankrupt ECB? The fact that it is not easy to dismiss this out of hand is cause for great concern," he said.

The agenda for this week's EU summit shows that the EU plans to slipping through the creation of its new permanent rescue fund from 2013 without the need for a fresh treaty, using the "simplified revision procedure" of Article 48.

"We always feared the EU would stretch this clause to ratchet up their powers," said Mats Persson from Open Europe. "Article 48 can be used only if it does not expand the powers of the EU, but the crisis mechanism clearly does because it allows the Commission to make key decisions about the future of countries in trouble."

The IMF said Belgium does not have the luxury of cutting its budget deficit slowly, tightening to 4pc of GDP this year instead of 4.7pc to send a "strong signal" to markets.

Belgium has an oversized banking system with assets equal to 340pc of GDP and big state guarantees. Belgian banks, led by Dexia and KBC, have $54bn of exposure to Ireland alone, according to the Bank for International Settlements.

Belgium has a current account surplus and large private savings. However, the IMF said suffered a big erosion of labour competitiveness against Germany since 2000, and now faces a major aging shock.

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Political upheaval rocks eurozone debt markets

Finance minister Fernando Texeira dos Santos said failure to agree on budget cuts will 'plunge the country into a very deep financial crisis' Photo: AP

Hopes of a budget deal in Portugal collapsed after marathon talks between the minority government of socialist premier Jose Socrates and conservative leaders ended in acrimony.

Finance minister Fernando Texeira dos Santos said failure to agree on budget cuts will "plunge the country into a very deep financial crisis".

Meanwhile, Ireland has announced fiscal retrenchement of €15bn over the next four years, twice the original plan. It is already cutting public wages by 13pc.

John Fitzgerald from Ireland’s Economic and Social Research Institute said there is a risk that austerity tips the economy into a downward spiral, comparing it to an overdose of "chemotherapy" that does more harm than good.

Finance minister Brian Lenihan said the country had no choice. "The cost of borrowing is high and rising, and if we do not act soon to live within our means, people may stop lending to us. We will not fool the markets for an instant if we seek to defer any longer what evidently needs to be done now. The Irish people will have to accept cuts in public expenditures and higher taxes," he said.

In Greece, yields on 10-year bonds surged 67 points to 10.26pc, the biggest jump since the turmoil in June. The sell-off came after permier George Papandreou warned that the country was still in danger, and threatened to call early elections.

Finance minister George Papaconstaninou refused to rule out a request for an extension of the repayment period for the EU rescue package and confirmed that tax revenues are falling short. "We are deluding ourselves as a country in thinking we have a tax system. We don’t," he said.

He confirmed leaks that the budget deficit for 2009 would be "above 15pc" of GDP, higher than the last estimate of 13.8pc and five time the original claim of 3pc by the previous government.

Gavan Nolan from Markit said fears of "political instability in sovereign credits" had moved onto the radar screen, with investors now paying closer attention to whether or not governments can actually deliver on austerity plans.

It unclear whether Portugal can salvage anything over coming days in what amounts to a game of brinkmanship, with the socialists demanding VAT tax rises and the conservatives demanding spending cuts.

The opposition denied that there was "any possibility" of continuing talks, but hinted that it would abstain on the budget vote. Mr Socrates in turn has said he will resign if there is no accord.

Julian Callow from Barclays Capital said politics is intruding in the eurozone fiscal crisis. "It is one thing to promise cuts but it is very different to agree on details and decide where the axe will fall. There are some encouraging signs but Portugal has an awesome undertaking ahead in squeezing fiscal policy by 4pc of GDP over the next year, and the the task may be too great."

Yields on 10-bonds jumped 25 basis points on Wednesday to 5.77pc, far above the likely rate available from the EU’s bail-out fund and the International Monatery Fund. A string of top economists in Portugual have said the country should call in the IMF to gain breathing time.

As members of the eurozone, Portugal, Ireland, Greece cannot devalue or resort to monetary stimulus offset fiscal tightening. They must each pursue a policy of "internal devaluation", meaning deflation within the currency bloc to regain lost competitiveness.

This is risky for economies with total debt levels above 300pc of GDP, as is the case in Ireland and Portugal. Ireland’s nominal GDP has already contracted by over 20pc of GDP, yet the debt burden has not diminished.

The test will be whether these countries can generate enough exports to trade their way out of crisis over coming years, or remain trapped in slump with rising political tensions.

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